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The European Renaissance as Appropriation and Creation

The European Renaissance is often remembered for its visual artists’ legacy, such as da 

Vinci’s Mona Lisa, or for Shakespeare and Cervantes’ literature. Nevertheless, many ideas that 

formed the basis of the seventeenth century's scientific revolution were formalized during the 

Renaissance period. To attempt explaining those ideas’, authors cite a multitude of individual 

heroes and historical contexts. While those Renaissance "heroic" humanists owe their 

inspiration, to a certain extent, to Ancient ideas and foreign devices, these humanists still stand 

out for transforming and expanding those ancient ideas, and for giving new uses to those 

As any historic period, it is challenging to limit the Renaissance within a precise 

chronology, as it overlaps with the previous and next historic periods (late Middle Ages and the 

Enlightenment, respectively). John Gribbin marks the fall of Constantinople to the Turks in 1453 

as the start of the Renaissance (xx). According to Gribbin, the invasion pushed scholars who 

could read Greek out of Constantinople and towards West Europe (xx). The author states that 

some historians consider Renaissance has still not ended. Despite that, Gribbin uses Isaac 

Newton’s Philosophiae Naturalis Principia Mathematica, published in 1687, as the 

Renaissance’s final marker (xxi). 

Many of those scholars escaping the invaded Constantinople ended up in Italy, 

considered the Renaissance’s place of birth (Kehoe, Damerow, and Duvall). The word 

Renaissance itself means “rebirth”. This can be interpreted as the rebirth of the Europeans from 

the Black plague, which killed more than a third of them. The most important interpretation of 

Renaissance, however, is the period of repositioning men at the center of the universe (Kehoe, 

Damerow, and Duvall). This humanist movement was inspired by Ancient Greek and Roman 

culture and scholarship (Kehoe, Damerow, and Duvall) — much of that translated from the 

Greek and commented by Islamic scholars, physicians, and astronomers (Fara 57). 

The Islamic translations of Hellenistic works started long before the Renaissance’s 

beginning.  In the eighth century’s Baghdad, caliphs established the first center of higher 

learning, funded by the state and private parties (Fara 58). In the tenth century, Arabic centers of 

learning had extensive collections of Greek works translated to Arabic, within the fields of 

medicine, philosophy, astronomy, and natural history, among others. Islamic 

physician/astronomers also built astronomical observatories and teaching hospitals, institutions 

that would be copied across Renaissance’s Europe (Fara 58). Before the twelfth century, Western 

Europe was absorbing those Islamic works on Archimedes, Ptolemy, Aristotle, Galen, and 

comments on Aristotle, translated to Latin. After the twelfth century, James E. McClellan III and 

Harold Dorn affirm that  “western tradition finally made it to Western Europe”(185).

The Islamic civilization also helped shape the Renaissance through its philosophers, some 

becoming very influential during the period. Two of the most famous Islamic Aristotelians were 

Abu al-Walid Muhammad ibn Rushd (Averroes) and the polymath Ibn Sina (Avicenna). Some 

excerpts translated to Latin from Avicenna’s The Book of Healing, a poetic encyclopedia of 

everything an educated man should know, became textbooks — commonly studied by European 

university scholars during the Renaissance, who had Avicenna in high regard as a physician 

Avicenna epitomized some of the characteristics many Renaissance scholars wished to 

achieve: getting closer to God through knowledge of the universe and both its Pythagorean 

musicality and Aristotelian order (Fara 57). For that reason, beyond his medical practice, he 

researched optics, astronomy, and music. This was a combination recognizable to  Renaissance 

university students: astronomy, geometry, arithmetic, and music formed the quadrivium. As 

expected, this curriculum was greatly influenced by the Arabic translations from Ancient Greece 

One ancient Greek book that reached humanist astronomers from Arabic translations was 

Claudius Ptolemy's Almagest. This book was later expanded and commented by the humanist 

Regiomantus in his book Epitome (Gribbin 7). Regiomantus' version of the Almagest inspired 

Nicolaus Copernicus, then a young physician and canon for the Formwork Cathedral in Poland, 

to develop his own astronomic model.

While carrying out his duties, Copernicus designed his astronomical mathematical ideas, 

which would transform the ancient Ptolemy’s geocentric model of the universe into a 

Renaissance's Heliocentric model. Both models had the moon circling the Earth, but Copernicus’ 

one brought the new idea of planets moving around the sun — the opposite of Ptolemy’s model 

and against the established belief of his contemporaries (Gribbin 7). 

Despite what is nowadays a popular belief — that Copernicus suffered strong opposition 

from the Catholic church — the scholar himself presented his model to the Pope Clement VII 

and some cardinals, with no great reactions (Gribbin 9). Asked by a cardinal, he published De 

Revolutionizes Orbium Coelestium (On the Revolution of the Celestial Spheres) in 1543. It is 

important to stress: Copernicus’ intention was to expand ancient knowledge, rather than to 

overturn it — he was more an Aristotelian philosopher than a scientist, and did no look forward 

proving experimentally his ideal model of the universe (Gribbin 19).

The ban imposed upon Copernicus’ work by the Catholic Church came only come later. 

The priest Giordano Bruno promoted Copernicus' heliocentric model because it matched Bruno's 

arcane religious beliefs. He ended up being executed by the Inquisition for heresy (Gribbin 18); 

the church disallowed the Copernican model only after Bruno got involved with it — which also 

made Galileo Galilei’s future dealings with the church more difficult and dangerous (Gribbin 

Ancient medical writings, having come from Islamic Scholars as well, were studied 

deeply and updated by Renaissance medical practitioners. Such is the example of the eighty-

three surviving Galen’s writings about anatomy and physiology. They were basic textbooks for 

Renaissance medical students, but they had many limitations — such as the fact that Galen 

carried out dissection of mostly exclusively animals to describe the human body. 

A bold physician called Andreas Vesalius, a Flemish anatomist who studied at the 

University of Padua (Italy), identified the fails, correcting some of them and expanding Galen’s 

work (Gribbin 21). Dissecting human bodies of convicted criminals and inspired by Galen’s 

philosophy of looking for his own answers, Vesalius “revised important errors that had been 

passed down through the centuries by men who pledged their faith in books rather than trusting 

the evidence revealed by their own scalpels” (Fara 119).  Before Vesalius, surgery was 

considered an inferior medical practice, and professors would never touch the dissected body 

(the dissection was carried out by a surgeon). Vesalius innovation was to create a culture of 

hands-on work among medical practitioners, elevating surgery to a respected activity. To do this, 

he used ancient knowledge, gathered from translated Islamic sources, ultimately revised and 

transformed in his masterwork De Humani Fabrica, published in 1543 (Gribbin 25).

Regarding technology in the Renaissance, Johannes Gutenberg created probably one of 

the most important inventions of the period: the printing with movable types. The printing 

presses spread across Europe and promoted the distribution of information and knowledge not 

only among the rank of the initiated — scholars — but to anyone interested, who could read and 

afford books, as well (McClellan III and Dorn 204). 

Except… that Gutenberg neither invent the movable types in Renaissance, nor 

gunpowder was invented in the same period by Europeans, much less the magnetic compass 

(Fara 49). Joseph Needham, an important Sinologist of the twentieth century, in the voice of 

Patricia Fara, explains that the Silk Road “not only enabled exotic goods to travel westwards, but 

also encouraged the migration of technological and agricultural products”(49).

What Renaissance Europeans did is to use those equipment in a different manner than 

they had been used in China. For instance, rotating magnetic devices were utilized since the first 

century CE by the Chinese to help position tombs and houses. They also were used by Chinese 

maritime artisans, but nowhere near to the extent of which European traders used compasses 

(Fara 50). That was the same technology that oriented the great Portuguese and Spanish 

navigations of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries.

With respect to their printing movable types, the Chinese used them mostly to print books 

that stored information, instead of aiming at changing an established societal organization. 

Europeans, on the other hand, used books to reshape reality. Moreover, powder is another 

example: although the Chinese had cannons much earlier than the Europeans, those weapons 

impacted European society in a much deeper way (Fara 49).

The Renaissance in Europe was a period of great accomplishments in the arts, science, 

and technology. Many of the theories developed during that time impacted the scientific 

revolution of the seventeenth century, such as the Copernican heliocentric universe — the basis 

upon which Galileo would build his own theory. Much of what Renaissance humanists created is 

owed, in part, to ancient knowledge preserved and developed by Islamic scholars during the 

Islamic empire; or to devices brought by international trade to Europe, such as the compass from 

China. Notwithstanding that, Renaissance men still deserve praise for their ingenuity in 

absorbing, adapting, applying, and expanding that ancient knowledge, and for the empowering 

use of those foreign devices.

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